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#71

Yes. Zato što sam o aktivnosti SOE čitao u knjizi Capt. Michael Lees " Rape of Serbia".

Па на овај тему је доказано да регрутовање ХРВАТА у канади је почело у 1941 години.
Али кад мислиш да је концепција, мисљење и планирање се десила?
До 10 Дец 1943 Ђен Дража је добила око 30 тона оружање.......а КОМУНИСТИ 18,000 тона, објасните така организације, планска позадина......па железа за то мора се набавти, да не дрвим од све остало да се мора десити, пре него ти неко изкрваца оружање!
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#72

Ako te dobra razumem, UK je je na početku rata planirala da u Jugoslaviji napravi komunističku revoluciju.
Kao u Prvom svetskom ratu u Rusiji ?
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#73

http://www.commandoveterans.org/2_cdo_ops_Vis
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#74

" Vlada Nj.V. smatra da borbu treba da vode Jugosloveni za Jugoslaviju , a ne da to bude pobuna koju će voditi komunisti za Rusiju, ako se želi uspeti .
Vlada Nj. V. traži zato od sovjetske vlade da naredi komunističkim elementima da se povežu Mihailovićem , da sarađuju s njim protiv Nemaca, da se bezrezervno stave na raspolaganje Mihailoviću, kao državnom vođi.
Dušan Simović će takođe naložiti Mihailoviću da se uzdrži od merra odmazde
.

lord Glenconner, načelnik SOE u Kairu (16.11.1941. )

preneo:Jovan Marjanović "Draža Mihailović između Britamnaca i Nemaca" (str. 180)
izvor: William Deakin "Britanija i Jugoslavija 1941-1945" ( 1963.)
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#75

Vlada Nj.V. smatra da borbu treba da vode Jugosloveni za Jugoslaviju , a ne da to bude pobuna koju će voditi komunisti za Rusiju, ako se želi uspeti .
Vlada Nj. V. traži zato od sovjetske vlade da naredi komunističkim elementima da se povežu Mihailovićem , da sarađuju s njim protiv Nemaca, da se bezrezervno stave na raspolaganje Mihailoviću, kao državnom vođi.
Dušan Simović će takođe naložiti Mihailoviću da se uzdrži od merra odmazde.

lord Glenconner, načelnik SOE u Kairu (16.11.1941. )

Незнам што желиш да доказујеш са оваким текстови, на теме што је веч разбила енглеског лицемерности.

Ти бато лепо нам каже јели је исти тај лорд гленкомер знао за формирање камп х? Зашто Кајро је био велики и клучни иницијатор за његовог формирање, то је један разлог зашто је тамо бејли остишао.

Frank Thompson
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xEC7tY8BgoM

Fitzroy Maclean
https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_conti...2bR6T2kilE
Колико овај сере!
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#76

(01-08-2018, 04:07 PM)Прст_у_ока_латиници Пише:  Vlada Nj.V. smatra da borbu treba da vode Jugosloveni za Jugoslaviju , a ne da to bude pobuna koju će voditi komunisti za Rusiju, ako se želi uspeti .
Vlada Nj. V. traži zato od sovjetske vlade da naredi komunističkim elementima da se povežu Mihailovićem , da sarađuju s njim protiv Nemaca, da se bezrezervno stave na raspolaganje Mihailoviću, kao državnom vođi.
Dušan Simović će takođe naložiti Mihailoviću da se uzdrži od merra odmazde.

lord Glenconner, načelnik SOE u Kairu (16.11.1941. )

Незнам што желиш да доказујеш са оваким текстови, на теме што је веч разбила енглеског лицемерности.

Ти бато лепо нам каже јели је исти тај лорд гленкомер знао за формирање камп х? Зашто Кајро је био велики и клучни иницијатор за његовог формирање, то је један разлог зашто је тамо бејли остишао.


Ja znam da su Englezi neprijatelji Srba od Prvog Srpskog ustanka i ne nemaravaju da prestanu u tome. Бесан

https://www.b92.net/eng/comments.php?nav_id=104753

Incredible, čak kad je Engleska bila saveznik Srba u WW1 i WW2, London je bio nezainteresovan za Srpsku Vojsku u Albaniji a narednom ratu Churchill je prodao Srbe komunistima.Бесан

Camp X. Ja moram da te obavestim da nemam pristup arhivama britanskih
tajnih službi pa tako ne znam da li je šta je znao ili nije znao lord Glenkoner ( SOE ). Rolleyes
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#77

Англо-Совијетски Уговор 1941
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ojx8P2Rmj7o

Да се ово потпише, нешто се сигурно договорило пре тога, е питање што је било договорено пре овог потписање.

Стафорд Крипсз у Кајро 1941
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zn8uR7XM3mk

Са Госп Ретингер
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BJFPye_h3Fo
http://home.teleport.com/~flyheart/retinger.htm
Занимљиво био је амбасадор Југославије после рат

Све прич од кртице у Кајро, ништа више него бламаже.
Клугман стиже у Југословенске Секције у Феб 1942 године.

Знаћи више од 9-11 месеци него су енглеске обавештајне службе су се определили за КОМУНИСТЕ!
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#78

https://smallnotes.library.virginia.edu/...y-maclean/

https://soetrails.wordpress.com/category...ihailovic/

http://grahamstevenson.me.uk/index.php?o...Itemid=112
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#79

David Footman
Head Section I
http://archive.spectator.co.uk/article/1...st-history
Он је давао рапортажа на политичког деловање ПАРТИЗАНСКИ/КОМУНИСТИЧКИХ покрет.

Bruce Lockhart
http://spartacus-educational.com/RUSlockhart.htm
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#80

William James Millar Mackenzie
Тај је био у Београд као Консул још у Окт 1940
Знао за пуч унапаред
Кад је Heather Williams га испитивала у интевју
(линк за тај интевју сам ставио на СОЕ, био је на сајт империјалне ратни музај.......на жалост, његов интевју и интевју Арчија Џак су повукли).

Williams га питала што си радио у 1941 кад је веч почео рат, његова спотани одговор био је да је помагао ТИТО. Изненађена она интевенише и каже мислите на Михаиловић. Знадејући да ТИТО још није био на цени. И тако је поновио да Михаиловић. Он је рекао да исто искуцао оруже преко Грчке у та времена!

Он је исти тај ко је одвио Краљ Петар од својих Војни и Политички саветника, заједно су ишли у скотској у природи и планине.

Знадеш да енглези стално шаљу магле и дисинфомације после толико године. У књизи
MI6: The History of the Secret Intelligence Service 1909-1949
Keith Jeffery
Стана 559
https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=_bZZ...ia&f=false

Он каже да је радио у Берлину у Загреба пре него је био послат да ради у Барија и Југословенској секцији.

Within six months, Bowlby, by now himself installed at Naples, reported that Millar (along with Ashford-Russell) had "produced excellent results" and “merited several bouquets from our local customers”.

За шест месеци, Бовлби, који је до сада поставио у Напуљу, пријавио је да је Миллар (заједно са Асхфорд-Русселл) "произвео одличне резултате" и "заслужио неколико букета од наших домаћих купаца".


In SIS, which seriously began to target yugoslavia only after the Italian surrender, differences remained about whom to support among the resistance. For some, old anti-Bolshevik habits died hard. In April 1944, following a visit to Bari, Bowlby worried that Millar and his staff were “far too Tito-conscious”. He complained that “pictures of Tito cover the walls” of Millar’s office and he asked London to send out large photographs of King George VI and Queen Elisabeth, “to be hung in some prominent place” in the office. This, he felt, “should have the desired effect of intimating to 35,600 (MILLAR) that there are limits to local partisanship”.

У СИС-у, која је озбиљно почела да се бави југославијом тек након предаје Италије, остала су разлике око тога ко ће подржати међу отпори. За неке, старе навике анти-бољшевика су умрле. У априлу 1944. године, након посете Барију, Бовлби је забринут због тога што је Миллар и његово особље били "превише Тито-свјесни". Жалио се да "слике Тита покривају зидове" Милларове канцеларије и затражио од Лондона да пошаље велике фотографије краља Џорџа ВИ и краљице Елизабете, "да се на неком истакнутом месту виси" у канцеларији. То је, сматрао је, "требао имати жељени ефекат упућивања на 35.600 (МИЛЛАР) да постоје границе локалног партизанства".

Кад сам му чуво интевју, он ми је одма био сумљив, зашто сам осећао да је намерно био НЕСЕТЉИВ. А разлог за томе је што је био члан и радио за СИС, садашни МИ6......(исто као бејли).

После сазнање ова део његовог живот.
Ја бих порућио да чешлате енглеске ТИТО сарадње пре рата и у свим почетнимским фазама!
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#81

Страница 69-70
Књига:
Parachutes, Patriots, and Partisans: The Special Operations Executive and Yugoslavia, 1941-1945

"Most accounts of the early SOE missions, acknowledging their failure, tend to forget Rapotec mission. In fact, although Rapotec was not an SOE agent, his mission was a joint SOW-Yugoslav venture and in terms of fulfilling his briefing was undoubtably successful. Initially, he too had failed to make radio contact with Cairo, having lost his set in the perilous days following his arrival in the country, and to leave his W?T operator Sinko on Mljet because he was sick. However, Rapotec managed to elude capture and travelled widely in Yugoslavia, establishing contacts with a variety of organisations and leaders opposed to both the occupiers and the Pavelic regime. He emerged in Turkey on 2 July 1942 with an enormous quanitity of information, including details of Croatian and Slovenian resistance, and intimations that many members of the NDH armed forces were not necessarily committed to Pavelic. Rapotec also carried a vast array of impressions and interpretations of the complexities and paradoxes prevailing in occupied Yugoslavia, particularly in the western regions. In addition, he bought with him codes from Mihailovic and Trifunovic-Bircanin, now in command of the Dalmatia and Herzegovina regions, for the YGE to communicate privately with them, if only an independent radio link could be set up. Ilic had stressed the importance of establishing links with Mihailovic that bypassed the British when Rapotec set out.

In Istanbul Rapotec had a short meeting with Basil Davidson, but did not tell him very much, regarding the information and the messages he carried as primarily for the Yugoslav intelligence service and government. His return from Yugoslavia coincided with the “great flap” in Cairo, when Rommel seemed poised to take Egypt; SOE papers were hurriedly being burned, and SOE Middle East was divided between Cairo and Jerusalem. On 11 July Cairo asked for Rapotec to be sent to the Jerusalem office as soon as possible. There is no record of his time in Jerusalem, but from there he went on to Cairo where he told SOE a little more, though still not all. Despite Rapotec’s reserve, SOE produced two fairly lengthy reports, one penned by Davidson in Istanbul and the other in Cairo. These reports included information he had not supplied, indicating that members of the Yugoslav military intelligence —Major Peric in Istanbul, and Popovic and Gligorijevic in cairo — had been more forthcoming with their SOE contacts. SIS attempted to elicit more information by suggesting he leave his papers in their hands when he was en route to Cairo, but he did not fall for that, and later in Cairo James Millar of ISLD moved into the same lodging as Rapotec —hardly a coincidence.

Превод гугул
Већина налога раних СОЕ мисија, признајући њихов неуспех, имају тенденцију да забораве мисију Рапотец. Заправо, иако Рапотец није био заступник ДП-а, његова мисија је била заједничка подухват СОВ-а и у смислу испуњавања његовог брифинга била је без сумње успјешна. На почетку, и он није успео да ради са Каиром, изгубио је свој сет у опасним данима након доласка у земљу и оставио свог оператора В? Т Синка на Мљету јер је био болестан. Међутим, Рапотец је успео да избегне хватање и путује широко у Југославији, успостављајући контакте са различитим организацијама и лидерима који се супротстављају окупаторима и Павелићком режиму. Појавио се у Турској 2. јула 1942. године, са огромним количинама информација, укључујући детаље о отпорима Хрватске и Словеније, као и претпоставке да многи припадници оружаних снага НДХ нису били неопходно посвећени Павелићу. Рапотец је носио и широк низ утисака и тумачења сложености и парадокса који су владали у окупираној Југославији, посебно у западним регијама. Поред тога, он је купио кодове Михаиловића и Трифуновића-Бирчанина, који сада командује подручјима Далмације и Херцеговине, да ИГЕ комуницира приватно са њима, ако се може успоставити само независна радио веза. Илић је нагласио важност успостављања веза са Михаиловићем који је заобишао Британце када је изашао Рапотец.

У Истанбулу је Рапотец имао кратак састанак са Басилом Давидсоном, али му није пуно рекао, у вези са информацијама и порукама које је носио пре свега за југословенску обавјештајну службу и владу. Његов повратак из Југославије поклопио се са "великом замахом" у Каиру, када је Ромел изгледао спремно заузети Египат; Документи ДП-а су пожелели да се спаљују, а СОЕ Блиски исток је био подељен између Каиро и Јерусалима. 11. јула Каиро је затражио да Рапотец буде послат у канцеларију у Јерусалиму што је прије могуће. Не постоји евиденција о његовом времену у Јерусалиму, али одатле је отишао у Каиро гдје је рекао СОЕ-у још мало, мада и даље није све. Упркос Рапотецовој резерви, СОЕ је произвео два прилично дуга извештаја, један који је написао Давидсон у Истанбулу, а други у Каиру. Ови извештаји укључивали су информације које није доставио, што указује на то да су припадници југословенске војне обавештајне службе - мајор Перић у Истанбулу, као и Поповић и Глигоријевић у Каиру - били више предстојећи са својим ДП-овим контактима. СИС је покушао да добије више информација наговештавајући да оставља своје папире у рукама док је био на путу ка Каиру, али није за то пао, а касније у Каиру, Џејмс Миллар из ИСЛД-а преселио се у исти смештај као Рапотец - тешко случајност .
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#82

Why Chetnik Flags Should be in the Belgrade Liberation Parade
October 10, 2014

In the following essay, Strategic Culture Foundation columnist Boris Aleksić explains why it would be perfectly uncontroversial for “Chetnik” (i.e. Royal Yugoslav) flags to appear in the October 16 military parade, marking the 70th anniversary of Belgrade’s liberation by the Red Army.

General Draza Mihailovich WWII
General Draza Mihailovich WWII
The 70th anniversary of Belgrade’s liberation in WW2, will be marked by a military parade. After a 29-year hiatus, some 3,000 members of the Serbian Army will parade on October 16. Also scheduled is the appearance of the Russian acrobatics group “Strizhi”, flying the newest MiG-29 fighters.

The celebration will be graced by the presence of the Russian President Vladimir Putin, a symbol of Russia’s rebirth. Putin’s visit to Serbia is a clear signal to both Serbian citizens and the West. During their aggression against the Serbs in the 1990s, Washington and Brussels have exterminated the Serbs of Krajina and parts of Bosnia, Kosovo and Metohija. That southern Serbian province is under NATO occupation, run by a puppet Albanian regime composed of terrorists, drug-dealers and organ traders. Even the Serbian capital has been under Western occupation of sorts for years. Demands and impositions by the USA and the EU are getting more brazen and increasingly unbearable.

Putin’s arrival in Belgrade – on the day of liberation no less – represents a clear signal to both the Serbs and the world that a free and united Serbdom is possible even today. Furious at this, Washington and Brussels – falsely presenting themselves as the “international community” – say they will “watch closely” Putin’s visit to Belgrade. After all, the US and EU have invested so much effort in resurrecting fascism in Europe, from Zagreb and Priština to Kiev, to let the Russians and Serbs spoil their plans. Under the mask of democracy, Berlin has succeeded in almost entirely reversing the results of WW2 in the Balkans, fulfilling the dreams of Hitler and Pavelić; hence they and their White House mentors fear losing all that (as once before) to a Russian counterattack. That is why they are opposed to Putin’s visit.

Things have gone so far that a propaganda outfit founded by the CIA (“Radio Free Europe”) has accused the Russian president of “changing the dates of history” (?!) and the military parade of “hiding Chetnik symbols.” So, Chetniks are still a concern for the “powerful” West!

Radio Free Europe argues that Putin’s visit to Serbia is “unwise”, because “the West has imposed sanctions on Russia over the Ukrainian crisis.” [1] Yet it is in Ukraine that the US and EU are backing a junta and its Nazis sporting the occult symbols of the Third Reich and talk of “exterminating the Russians” just like Hitler. Serbian volunteers fighting on the antifascist side (i.e. Novorussia) include the Chetniks who came at the invitation of their Cossack brothers. Why shouldn’t the Serbs carry Chetnik symbols in the military parade, since they so annoy the West?

Could that offend the Russian president? Vladimir Putin recently lit candles [in church] for all the defenders of Novorussia, including the Serbian Chetniks. Besides, it is a historical fact that the WW2 Chetniks – members of the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland – were an antifascist movement. Between 1941 and the Red Army’s arrival in 1944, the Chetniks had liberated over 30 towns from the Nazis – including Loznica, Čačak, Kruševac, Leskovac, Lazarevac, Bajina Bašta, Višegrad, Zvornik, etc. Is that not enough?

If not, we ought to recall that [commander of the YAH] Draža Mihailović had been in contact with Soviet military intelligence during his diplomatic service as the military attache, and that these contacts continued during the war. It was General Mihailović that Stalin wanted to see leading the Yugoslav resistance. Tito was untrustworthy and collaborated with both the British and the Nazis; according to some sources, Stalin had dispatched NKVD Colonel Mustafa Golubić to Belgrade, with a mission to eliminate Tito. Subsequent events would prove the Soviet leader right: Tito and his followers carved up Serbia, sent the pro-Russian Communists to a gulag at Goli Otok, and signed a pact with NATO (the 1954 Bled Agreement).

Draža Mihailović as a Russian Ally

Here is how Russian historian Boris Starkov explained the cooperation between Mihailović and the Russians:

“Staff Colonel Dragoljub-Draža Mihailović was one of the most important assets of the Soviet intelligence at the time. He was not a classic spy or an agent in the normal sense of that word. Col. Draža was a great nationalist and monarchist, so his ideological views excluded the possibility of working for an intelligence service of a Communist country. However, as an experienced intelligence officer, Mihailović held that the Communist Soviet Union, ‘Red Russia’, was the only force that could oppose the German influence and aggression in the Balkans, namely in Yugoslavia…

In the autumn of 1942, J.V. Stalin was ready to aid the Chetniks of Draža Mihailović more than Tito’s Partisan movement. He made an open offer to the Yugoslav government in London, through its ambassador in the USSR Stanoje Simić, to send a mission of high-ranking officers to Mihailović’s HQ, to establish an entire squadron of aircraft in the USSR he would lend to Mihailović for use, and to organize joint radio-broadcasts of the Red Army and the Ravna Gora Chetniks.” [2]

However, then as now, the West was hostile to “Greater Serbs”, or their alliance with Moscow, so London did everything it could to thwart the emergence of a strong Serbian state.

Tito as a British Agent

Historian Dragoljub Živojinović explained that “The British promised their agent, Tito, both military and political legitimacy, with the goal of preventing the Serbs from creating a postwar order favorable to their national interests. The point of this strategy was to deny the Serbs the right to self-determination.” [3]

Dr. Živojinović continued by citing the English assessment of General Mihailović: “Head of the British mission to Tito’s HQ, Brigadier Fitzroy MacLean, concluded in a memo sent to Anthony Eden: ‘As for General Mihailovich, he is a Greater Serb and reactionary. Under those conditions, Great Britain has no further interest in backing his movement’.

Mihailović’s national program interfered with Foreign Office’s plans to establish micro-states in Yugoslavia that would later be absorbed into greater federations. Can anyone still doubt the claim by the great English historian A.J.P. Taylor that ‘building up Tito was a purely English adventure’?” Živojinović concluded.

Furthermore, Tito had offered cooperation to the Catholic Church in the “Independent State of Croatia”, which had organized a genocide of Serbs, and even offered the “genocide archbishop” Stepinac to become the “vicar-general of the Partisan forces”. [4]

Tito as Nazi Collaborator

There is also a mountain of evidence in the archives testifying to Tito’s collaboration with the Nazis. Historical records show that Draža Mihailović outright rejected any form of collaboration with the Nazis in 1941, at the village of Divci. On the other hand, in Gornji Vakuf in 1943, Tito initiated and eventually achieved a pact with the Nazis. Broz had collaborated with the Nazis in the summer of 1941, claims historian Vladislav Sotirović:

“There are even photographs documenting this, in addition to the fact that the Germans literally handed the town of Užice to Tito, including a working ammunition factory. This gave the Titoists tremendous advantage in the civil war against the Chetniks of Draža Mihailović.” [5]

Was Stalin aware of all this?

The Secret Mission of Mustafa Golubić



In May 1941, Josip Broz was hiding in Belgrade, at the Ribnikar House which had Gestapo security guards. Meanwhile, Mustafa Golubić was also in the occupied capital. Golubić was a Soviet colonel and conducted special operations for the Fourth Directorate of the NKVD.

In June 1941, the Gestapo captured him. Despite continuous torture, they only managed to ascertain his identity, but not his connections or any details of his intelligence work. Four special interrogators were dispatched from Berlin, as in addition to his work for the Comintern, Golubić had also been involved in the 1914 Sarajevo Assassination. Shortly after the German invasion of the USSR, the Gestapo had Golubić executed. He was shot in the Court Gardens (today’s Pioneer Park in Belgrade) along with the family of the county clerk Višnjevac with whom he was staying, and his associate, Technical School Professor Čeda Popović. After the liberation of Belgrade, the Red Army transferred Golubić’s remains to Moscow.

Some sources claim that Golubić was involved in a series of secret operations, including the assassination of Trotsky. In Yugoslavia, he was in charge of the “Red Chamber Orchestra”, a special (anti-fascist) organization with the Soviet Intelligence whose core in the West were the anti-fascist Germans. Some researchers have speculated that Golubić’s mission in Belgrade was to eliminate Josip Broz Tito and his agents, who were working with the Nazis and the British. Broz was alerted to the danger by Stevo Krajačić, who later worked for the CIA. Milovan Đilas and Aleksandar Ranković tipped the Gestapo off to the NKVD colonel’s whereabouts, after which Golubić was arrested, tortured and shot. Had he succeeded in eliminating Broz, the future of Serbia and the Serbs could have been far more fortunate…

As we can see, the Chetniks were an anti-fascist movement which liberated many Serbian cities from the Nazis. That is why the flags of the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland have every right to be included in the military parade celebrating Belgrade’s liberation.

Furthermore, one of the most important lessons of the 1990s was the need to unify all patriotic forces in defending the Fatherland. Serbs had successfully resisted attempts by Western services to weaken them by reviving the Chetnik-Partisan divide – and held off for a decade against the greatest war machine in history. Russia is facing a similar question today. The Serbian example offers the answer: an alliance of true patriots, both “Red” and “White”, is required for a successful defense.

References:

[1] Radio Free Europe (in Serbian), October 6, 2014
[2] Politika, Belgrade, (in Serbian) November 11, 2012
[3] Novi Standard (in Serbian), November 30, 2011
[4] Vecernje Novosti (in Serbian), December 7, 2013; this, by the way, is the same office (vicar-general of the Croatian Army) Stepinac held in the Nazi Croatian hierarchy
[5] NSPM (in Serbian), September 11, 2010

(Copyright Strategic Culture Foundation; translated by the Reiss Institute; all rights reserved – fair use only)
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